In 1987, Republican President Ronald Reagan was faced with
an opening on the Supreme Court. Up to
that time, there was a general Senate policy of deference to the President’s
nominee, although in the decade earlier Republican Nixon had two nominations
rejected. Reagan proceeded to nominate noted
lawyer and jurist Robert Bork, but Democrats in the Senate considered him too
forceful an advocate for the non-political constitutional interpretation they
opposed. Democrats smeared and savaged
Bork, and Republican pushback was feeble.
His nomination failed. The viciousness
with which the Democrats attacked Bork and Reagan served to profoundly
intimidate Republican presidents thereafter.
In Bork’s place, Reagan ultimately nominated Anthony Kennedy, who would
become, on cases with significant political issues, a man who votes his personal
political preferences rather than constitutional dictates.
Republican presidents after the Bork episode became drawn to nominating
so-called "stealth" candidates, hopefully secretly true constitutionalists
but without much of a track record that might upset the strident liberal
Democrats who sought a political Supreme Court.
The stealth strategy of course has turned out to be a disaster for
constitutionalists (see, for example, Kennedy, Anthony; Souter, David; and
Roberts, John – just to stick with the Supreme Court). One might have at least hoped at the time
that the new Senate approach would mean that Democrat presidents would also be
forced to nominate “stealth” candidates more acceptable to the other side.
No such luck. When
Clinton was elected and nominated two extreme, no-doubt-about-it ultraliberal lawyers,
the Republicans should have returned the favor, leveled the playing field, and
as the Democrats did with Bork should have rejected those
nominations. But they did not, and inexplicably
returned to the old policy of deference to a president’s choice. A stunning show of political cowardice and
incompetence of lasting historical importance.
One Clinton nominee, the ultraliberal Ginsburg, an
anti-constitutionalist who votes her political preferences as a
super-legislator, was confirmed by the senate 93-3. Thirty-nine Republicans voted to confirm her,
within recent memory of the Bork attack, while only three said nay. Republicans voting to confirm Ginsburg
included current senators McConnell, the Republican leader in the Senate, and McCain, a former Republican Party nominee for president, as well as former Senator Robert Dole, the Republican Party nominee for
president in 1996. Compare these Senate
confirmation vote totals: for
Republican-nominated Thomas (52-48) and Alito (58-42) versus Democrat-nominated
Breyer (87-9). Even ultra-stealth
nominee John Roberts, a George W. Bush discredit, who was such a cipher that he
was regarded at the time by some astute conservatives as dangerously political
rather than constitutional, and who has gone on to become a political liberal
vote on some big cases, was only confirmed 78-22, with many prominent
ultraliberal Democrats like Joe Biden and Dick Durbin voting against him. The bottom line is that Republicans senators
overwhelmingly vote for Democrat nominees, but not vice-versa. Why would that possibly be? Why should that possibly be?
The disgraceful Republican weakness after the Bork episode
led directly to the nominations by Republican presidents of some liberal
justices, and the nomination (with easy confirmation) by Democrat presidents of anti-constitution
ultraliberal justices. The scorched
earth strategy toward Republican nominees was begun by Ted Kennedy, the
Democrat Party saint who left a woman passenger to slowly drown in the car he drove
into water while he slithered off to sober up. Kennedy
looked into Republican eyes and saw weakness.
The strategy has been extremely successful. It has worked in spades, likely beyond the
wildest Democrat dreams, and continues to pay dividends down to this very day,
to the everlasting detriment of the Republic.
R Balsamo
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